The courts have already said that is not good enough. There are, of course, those who prefer the status quo.
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They must seek partnerships and consolidations with neighboring school systems. Similarly, towns with only a few hundred students in their schools cannot be artificially kept afloat. There is simply no reason for well-to-do towns with little to no student poverty to receive millions in taxpayer dollars. And a few years ago, the legislature stopped even pretending to follow the formula, and instead began using the arbitrary block grant system. The result? Throughout the education cost sharing formula grant's entire 30-year history, the legislature has never fully funded the education grants under the rules it set up for equitable distribution. The costs of this deal quickly became too expensive for the state to fund. The idea behind this formula was to distribute state education aid equitably, using a formula that gave more money to towns with lower property tax bases and higher student poverty - recognizing that those towns and their students need greater assistance.īut to get education cost sharing formula passed, legislators struck a deal: Every town would receive education aid, even those with only a few hundred students, those with little to no student poverty and those with very low property tax rates. In response, the legislature created the education cost sharing formula. Meskill, which found that the way Connecticut funded public education - with the state giving each town the same flat grant amount per student - was unconstitutional. They are simply fairer ways to fund schools that are responsive to our state's demographics.Įqually important, we propose to end the politically expedient bargain that has guaranteed funding to all towns, regardless of size or wealth.Ī Faustian bargain was struck 40 years ago, to comply with the 1977 Connecticut Supreme Court's landmark decision in the case of Horton v. 3, Considers a town's ability to pay for its schools (measured by, among other things, a town's median household income and its taxable property per person. 2, Drives greater funds to students with higher learning needs, such as those who are low-income and English language learners.
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1, Reflects a district's current enrollment. Here is what we propose - a school funding formula based on verifiable data that: It is the responsibility of the legislative branch, working with the executive branch, to adopt a fair school finance system for Connecticut. We do not believe we should wait for the courts to address this. Last year, Superior Court Judge Thomas Moukawsher found that the state "has no rational, substantial and verifiable plan to distribute money for education aid." That case is now on appeal to the state Supreme Court. That's why the way the state distributes school aid is now in the courts.
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There is no strategic approach that reflects the state's priorities, the needs of students or what cities and towns can afford. Each year, more than $2 billion in state education aid is distributed to towns and cities through entirely arbitrary block grants.